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\u0ba8\u0bc0\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0b9f\u0bcd\u0b9f\u0bae\u0bc8\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0bc1 \u0b9a\u0bbf\u0bb1\u0bbf\u0bb2\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bbe\u0bb5\u0bbf\u0bb2\u0bcd \u0b87\u0bb2\u0bcd\u0bb2\u0bc8 \u0b8e\u0ba9\u0bcd\u0bb1 \u0ba8\u0bc0\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0b9a\u0bcd \u0b9a\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0ba8\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bb0\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bcd, \u0b9a\u0b9f\u0bcd\u0b9f\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0bb1\u0bc8 \u0b9a\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0ba8\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bb0\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bb0\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bbe\u0ba9 \u0b90.\u0ba8\u0bbe\u0bb5\u0bbf\u0ba9\u0bcd \u0b9a\u0bbf\u0bb1\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0bc1 \u0b85\u0bb1\u0bbf\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bc8\u0baf\u0bbe\u0bb3\u0bb0\u0bcd \u0bae\u0bca\u0ba9\u0bbf\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bbe \u0baa\u0bbf\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bcb \u0b85\u0bb5\u0bb0\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bb3\u0ba4\u0bc1 \u0b95\u0bc2\u0bb1\u0bcd\u0bb1\u0bbf\u0ba9\u0bc8\u0b9a\u0bcd \u0b9a\u0bc1\u0b9f\u0bcd\u0b9f\u0bbf\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bbe\u0b9f\u0bcd\u0b9f\u0bbf\u0baf\u0bc1\u0bb3\u0bcd\u0bb3 \u0baa\u0bbf\u0bb0\u0ba4\u0bae\u0bb0\u0bcd \u0bb5\u0bbf.\u0b89\u0bb0\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bb0\u0b95\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bbe\u0bb0\u0ba9\u0bcd, \u0b9a\u0bbf\u0bb1\u0bbf\u0bb2\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bbe\u0bb5\u0bc8 \u0b85\u0ba9\u0bc8\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0bb2\u0b95 \u0b95\u0bc1\u0bb1\u0bcd\u0bb1\u0bbf\u0bb5\u0bbf\u0baf\u0bb2\u0bcd \u0ba8\u0bc0\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bae\u0ba9\u0bcd\u0bb1\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bb2\u0bcb (ICC) \u0b85\u0bb2\u0bcd\u0bb2\u0ba4\u0bc1 \u0b87\u0ba9\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0b9f\u0bc1\u0b95\u0bca\u0bb2\u0bc8 \u0ba4\u0b9f\u0bc1\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0bc1\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bbe\u0ba9 \u0b85\u0ba9\u0bc8\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0bb2\u0b95 \u0b89\u0b9f\u0ba9\u0bcd\u0baa\u0bbe\u0b9f\u0bcd\u0b9f\u0bc1\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bc1 \u0b85\u0bae\u0bc8\u0baf \u0b85\u0ba9\u0bc8\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0bb2 \u0ba8\u0bc0\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bae\u0ba9\u0bcd\u0bb1\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bb2\u0bcb (ICJ) \u0b9a\u0bbf\u0bb1\u0bbf\u0bb2\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bbe\u0bb5\u0bc8 \u0b89\u0b9f\u0ba9\u0b9f\u0bbf\u0baf\u0bbe\u0b95 \u0b9a\u0bb0\u0bcd\u0bb5\u0ba4\u0bc7\u0b9a \u0b9a\u0bae\u0bc2\u0b95\u0bae\u0bcd \u0baa\u0bbe\u0bb0\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0b9f\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4 \u0bb5\u0bc7\u0ba3\u0bcd\u0b9f\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bcd \u0b8e\u0ba9 \u0b95\u0bcb\u0bb0\u0bbf\u0baf\u0bc1\u0bb3\u0bcd\u0bb3\u0bbe\u0bb0\u0bcd.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">TGTE Calls on Int\u2019l Community to Reject Sri Lankan Domestic Justice Mechanism &amp; Refer Sri Lanka to ICC, ICJ<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">The Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) urges the United Nations Human Rights Council and the international community at large to reject a \u201cdomestically designed and executed reconciliation and accountability process\u201d as described by Sri Lanka\u2019s Foreign Relations Minister Dinesh Gunawardena yesterday before the UNHRC as a suitable replacement for the international judicial process mandated by UNHRC Resolution 30\/1, which Sri Lanka unilaterally withdrew from on bogus pretenses, and instead proceed with a remedial justice initiative that includes referring Sri Lanka to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) under the Genocide Convention.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justifyt\">Sri Lanka has a long history of establishing Commissions to ward off international pressure to pursue a legitimate accountability process in accordance with international standards. For example, according to Amnesty International\u2019s 2011 review of the Lesson Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) created in bad-faith by the former Rajapaksa administration, where the LLRC \u201cappears to really falter is in ignoring the serious evidence of war crimes, crimes against humanity and other violations of the laws of war by government forces\u2026[t]here is a clear sign of the bias we had feared and already detected in the LLRC\u2019s composition and conduct.\u201d<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">Sam Zarifi, Amnesty International\u2019s Asia-Pacific director at the time went to say, \u201cThe LLRC has admitted its own inability to establish the facts about the conduct of the fighting and points out legal complexities beyond its abilities. This is why the international community must now follow up with an investigation, bringing to bear the full resources and assistance of the UN and the international community.\u201d In his speech yesterday, Minister Gunawardena failed to give the international community any reason to believe a new domestic mechanism would a yield a different outcome from past domestic pursuits.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">On the contrary, Minister Gunawardena\u2019s speech yesterday shows Sri Lanka\u2019s true colors as a rigid ethnocratic Buddhist Sinhalese State only interested in \u201cvictor\u2019s justice.\u201d By criticizing former High Commissioner for Human Rights Hussein\u2019s 2015 Report on Sri Lanka (OISL) on the grounds that it \u201cunjustly vilif[ies] the heroic Sri Lankan security forces,\u201d the Minister exposes the State\u2019s entrenched bias in favor of the state forces that a domestic mechanism would be tasked with investigating and holding accountable, revealing that a domestic mechanism would never work.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">The Minister\u2019s statement that \u201c[t]he end of the brutal conflict advanced, secured and protected one of the fundamental human rights &#8211; the \u2018right to life\u2019 for all Sri Lankans- Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslims and others\u201d displays Sri Lanka\u2019s total disregard for Tamil lives and dignity. There is no greater violation of \u2018the right to life\u2019 than the genocidal campaign waged against Tamils by State forces during the final stage of the conflict, which resulted in the death of 70,000-100,000 Tamils.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">Third, the Minister\u2019s description in his opening statement of the new administration\u2019s \u201cpolicy framework\u201d as one \u201cenvisaged to achieve sustainable development and peace in the country, firmly anchored in safeguarding \u2018national security without compromising the democratic space available to our people\u201d glaringly omits any mention of \u201caccountability.\u201d Given the Minister\u2019s repeated statement that a domestic mechanism must be in line with Sri Lanka\u2019s \u201cpolicy\u201d and \u201cpriorities,\u201d the Minister\u2019s description shows that the State has no interest in pursuing justice.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">The Minister\u2019s speech also includes many statements that are on their face outright lies, offering critical insight into the lack of credibility that any domestic mechanism would carry. For example, the Minister accused fellow UN Member States of using Sri Lanka as a \u201cpawn\u201d for geopolitical gain. However, the fact is that Sri Lanka used its strategic location in Indian Ocean to keep international powers away from intervening militarily and diplomatically while Sri Lanka carried out the Tamil Genocide in 2009. Sri Lanka continues to play the victim card while ignoring the suffering of the armed conflict\u2019s actual victims: the Tamil People.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">The Minister also claimed, \u201cThe government led by the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa, of which the current President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, initiated a sustainable reconciliation process in Sri Lanka to bring about \u2018healing and peace building\u2019\u201d that was an \u201c an inclusive process.\u201d This is outright delusional. One need look no further than President Gotabaya\u2019s recent statement that any political resolution should be based on the support of the Sinhala people to discern the State\u2019s total lack of interest in reconciliation and inclusion. The Minister\u2019s closing remarks quoting Buddha and spoken in Sinhalese underscores the vapidness of the Minister\u2019s claim.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">TGTE therefore maintains its decade-long position that a domestic mechanism to investigate and prosecute \u201ccredible allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity\u201d (2011 UN Panel of Experts\u2019 Report on Sri Lanka) perpetrated by Sri Lanka against Tamils during the armed conflict serves only to attempt to deflect calls for referral of Sri Lanka to the ICC and delay other meaningful actions on accountability and will never deliver justice to Tamils given neither the State nor the judiciary is ethnically neutral, the judiciary is not independent, and there is no known instance of a State guilty of international crimes investigating itself.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">No fewer than 10 UN reports substantiate TGTE\u2019s position, as do reports by many highly respected international NGOs as well as the US Department of State. In his 2015 Report on Sri Lanka (OISL), former High Commissioner Hussein stated that \u201cthe domestic criminal justice system\u201d in Sri Lanka \u201cneeds to be strengthened and reformed\u201d and that that process \u201cneeds to be undertaken in parallel to the establishment of a special hybrid court, not in place of it.\u201d High Commissioner Hussein also called attention to widespread \u201creprisals against judicial and other professionals who try to prosecute human-rights related cases involving State officials.\u201d<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">Minister Gunawardena\u2019s baseless allegation that the Commissioner\u2019s report is \u201cmuch flawed,\u201d among his other stern words for fellow Member States, is the equivalent of such a reprisal on the international stage. His attack of OISL is also an attack on fellow UN Member States that adopted the Report. This hurling of insults against the UN, its experts and its processes as \u201cflawed,\u201d \u201cbiased,\u201d \u201cpolitically motivated,\u201d and a violation of Sri Lankan \u201csovereignty\u201d is a longstanding strategy imparted by Sri Lanka to manipulate the country\u2019s Buddhist Sinhalese majority, undermine all justice initiatives, and perpetuate the State\u2019s culture of impunity.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">In her 2017 report, which Sri Lankan Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe called \u201ca harm to Sri Lanka&#8217;s sovereignty\u201d\u2014one of Sri Lanka\u2019s go-to false pretenses for rejecting UN findings that contradict its ongoing narrative of lies\u2014UN Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers Monica Pinto, who Minister Rajapakshe also accused of impropriety in her reporting, noted the \u201cinadequacy of the State\u2019s domestic legal framework to deal with international crimes of this magnitude.\u201d<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">\u201cIn the past, when Sri Lanka has prosecuted conflict-related cases, it has relied on offences in regular criminal law, sch as murder. fails to recognize the gravity of the crimes committed, their international character, or to duly acknowledge the harm caused to the victims. It also constrains and undermines prosecution strategies, as it does not follow the chain of responsibility and prosecute those who planned, organized or gave the orders for what may be system crimes,\u201d she reported.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">The Sri Lankan Foreign Minister claimed that one of the reasons for Sri Lanka\u2019s withdrawal from Resolution 30\/1 is that the accountability process envisaged by the UNHRC can&#8217;t be carried out within the Sri Lankan constitution. But that is exactly why the UNHRC called for constitutional reforms to accommodate an accountability process that meets international standards. However, the fact of the matter is that the Sri Lankan polity will never allow for any kind of amendment that integrates international human rights and humanitarian legal norms, such as the prohibition of torture and the commission of war crimes, that would deny the State the convenient (albeit lame) excuse upon which it has come to rely to eschew international justice and force the hand of the State to investigate its own.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">The State\u2019s abandonment of the UNHRC transitional justice initiative it co-sponsored under Resolution 30\/1 is only the latest example of Sri Lanka\u2019s historic betrayal of Tamils, which also includes the State\u2019s abandonment the Bandaranaike\u2013Chelvanayakam Pact and Dudley- Chelvanayakam Pact.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">Against this backdrop, anyone can sees that Sri Lanka\u2019s declaration that it will create a domestic mechanism to investigate international crimes perpetrated during the armed conflict is nothing more than a pretense for the State to continue its \u201cdelay and never deliver\u201d tactic used to sabotage the UNHRC transitional justice initiative, which TGTE repeatedly tried to impart unto the international community was a fool\u2019s errand.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">Former High Commissioner for Human Rights Hussein stated in his report, \u201c[t]he High Commissioner remains convinced that, for accountability to be achieved in Sri Lanka, it will require more than a domestic mechanism.\u201d He also said, \u201cImportantly, the report reveals violations that are among the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole.\u201d<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">How the UNHRC, other UN bodies and the international community at large react to Sri Lanka\u2019s unilateral declaration that it plans to create a domestic justice process as articulated by the Foreign Relations Minister before the 43rd Session of the UNHRC will have implications not only for Tamil victims but also for the future of international justice and accountability globally.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"justify\">Given Sir Lanka\u2019s string of broken promises and deeply entrenched culture of impunity, which is a threat to international peace and security, Tamils and the international community should get together and see that accountability does not involve Sri Lanka, but rather Sri Lanka, as part of a remedial justice agenda, is referred to the ICC and the ICJ.<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"left\">Prime Minister Office<\/p>\r\n<p align=\"left\">TGTE<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<div class=\"mh-excerpt\"><div class=\"mh-excerpt\">\u0b92\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0ba8\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bb3\u0bc8 \u0b95\u0bbf\u0bb4\u0bbf\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bcd, \u0b86\u0ba3\u0bc8\u0baf\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bb3\u0bc8 \u0b85\u0bae\u0bc8\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bcd \u0b9a\u0bbf\u0bb1\u0bbf\u0bb2\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bbe\u0bb5\u0bc1\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bc1 \u0baa\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0ba4\u0bb2\u0bcd\u0bb2 : \u0baa\u0bbf\u0bb0\u0ba4\u0bae\u0bb0\u0bcd \u0bb5\u0bbf.\u0b89\u0bb0\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bb0\u0b95\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bbe\u0bb0\u0ba9\u0bcd \u0b95\u0bb0\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bc1 <a class=\"mh-excerpt-more\" href=\"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/?p=3478\" title=\"\u0b92\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0ba8\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bb3\u0bc8 \u0b95\u0bbf\u0bb4\u0bbf\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bcd, \u0b86\u0ba3\u0bc8\u0baf\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bb3\u0bc8 \u0b85\u0bae\u0bc8\u0baa\u0bcd\u0baa\u0ba4\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bcd \u0b9a\u0bbf\u0bb1\u0bbf\u0bb2\u0b99\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bbe\u0bb5\u0bc1\u0b95\u0bcd\u0b95\u0bc1 \u0baa\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0ba4\u0bb2\u0bcd\u0bb2 : \u0baa\u0bbf\u0bb0\u0ba4\u0bae\u0bb0\u0bcd \u0bb5\u0bbf.\u0b89\u0bb0\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bbf\u0bb0\u0b95\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bbe\u0bb0\u0ba9\u0bcd \u0b95\u0bb0\u0bc1\u0ba4\u0bcd\u0ba4\u0bc1 !\">[\u0bae\u0bc7\u0bb2\u0bc1\u0bae\u0bcd]<\/a><\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2505,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"yst_prominent_words":[],"class_list":["post-3478","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3478","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=3478"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3478\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3479,"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3478\/revisions\/3479"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/2505"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=3478"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=3478"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=3478"},{"taxonomy":"yst_prominent_words","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tgte-us.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fyst_prominent_words&post=3478"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}