TGTE’S RESPONSE TO SRI LANKA’S REFUSAL FOR U.S. AIRCRAFT; Sri Lanka’s “Neutrality” Is A Tactical Canny Move

Office of the Prime Minister Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam நாடுகடந்த தமிழீழ அரசாங்கம் பிரதமர் பணிமனை

875 Avenue of the Americas, Suite 2309 New York, NY 10001, USA www.tgte.org pmo@tgte.org

Link to EIN Wire: https://www.einpresswire.com/article/904830026/tgte-responds-to-sri-lanka-denial-of-u-s-aircraft-calls-neutrality-a-strategic-cover

TGTE’S RESPONSE TO SRI LANKA’S REFUSAL FOR U.S. AIRCRAFT

Sri Lanka’s “Neutrality” Is A Tactical Canny Move

Sri Lanka’s President Anura Kumara Dissanayake informed the Sri Lankan Parliament on March 20th, 2026 that he had denied permission for two US combat aircraft to land at Mattala Rajapaksha International airport. The justification given by the President was that Sri Lanka subscribed to the principle of “neutrality”. Given the 99 years’ lease of Hambantota port to China, proximate to Mattala airport by China and Sri Lanka’s past actions, Sri Lanka’s justification is a thin veil of geopolitical loyalties.

In 2017 the TGTE commissioned a reputable maritime law firm in Brussels to conduct a study on international law issues arising from the implementation of the Hambantota Port Project (https://tgte-us.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/Expert-Opinion_Hambantota-Port-Project.pdf). The study noted that Hambantota port’s prime location within ten nautical miles of the main shipping route from Asia to Europe makes it an asset on the maritime silk road, which beyond its trade and investment pillars, necessarily incorporates a geopolitical aspect and thus a strategic and security dimension. During President Trump’s first administration, then U.S. Vice President Mike Pence stated in his famous 2018 speech on China that Hambantota could become a Chinese military base. Additionally, Sri Lanka allowed the Chinese tracking vessel Yuan Wang 5 dock at the Hambantota Port in August 2022, in spite of India’s concern that it was a military surveillance asset.

Recently, the U.S. special envoy for South Asia Sergio Gor emphasized that the port of Colombo connects South Asia to the global market and thus the maritime security of Colombo matters. He also noted that this is why the U.S. – Sri Lanka Partnership is helping advance secure and transparent trade while protecting the integrity of supply chains. However, it is pointed out that while Colombo is Sri Lanka’s political and commercial heart, it is in the southwest, far from the key shipping lanes of the Bay of Bengal and the Strait of Malacca. U.S. focus on Colombo addresses only one node of Indian Ocean security.

Sri Lanka is in a high value strategic location in the Indian Ocean. Its Government’s foreign policy is transactional and fluid. Economic dependency increases susceptibility to external pressure. Strategic commitments may not be durable across political cycles. Infrastructure development and ideological alignment have deepened Chinese influence while geographic realities tie Sri Lanka closely to India. Thus, long-term strategic partnership built solely on Colombo is therefore fragile. Consequently, the U.S. or any powers’ Colombo Centric policy will not serve maritime security and peace in the Indian Ocean.

The NorthEastern region of the island of Sri Lanka, anchored by Trincomalee, offers an alternative pathway for sustained strategic access. Trincomalee is one of the finest natural deep-water harbors globally, capable of accommodating carrier class naval assets and served as a major headquarters for allied forces during World War II, demonstrating its capacity for large scale sustained military operations. It also hosts one of the region’s largest oil storage facilities (tank farm) with the potential for strategic energy storage and distribution.

Trincomalee is in the NorthEastern region recognized by the 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka Accord as the homeland of the Tamils. The Tamil nation were in armed conflict with the Sri Lankan state to realize their inherent right to self-determination in the form of an independent and sovereign state and have refused to be assimilated to the Sri Lankan polity, even after the end of war in 2009. Thus, the Trincomalee’s strategic importance is further enhanced by the presence of an indigenous Tamil nation with distinct political and historical dynamics.

Trincomalee’s value is inseparable from Tamil national question. In the Freedom Charter promulgated by the TGTE in 2013 with the participation of more than 100,000 Tamils, it is stated that the independent state of Tamil Eelam will maintain friendly relationships with democratic powers.

Ultimately, a stable and secure Indian Ocean requires a departure from a “Colombo-centric” policy that overlooks the island’s complex geopolitical realities and shifting loyalties. By recognizing the inherent right of the Tamil people to self-determination and the unique strategic value of their homeland, international powers can move beyond transactional diplomacy toward a more durable and transparent regional security framework.

Tamils’ destiny is in Tamil’s hands The thirst of Tamils is Tamil Eelam

Visuvanathan Rudrakumaran Prime Minister Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam